The federalist essays | Goedkope Gebinten
Jefferson was intent on keeping control of the political situation at home and the diplomatic situation in Europe. He needed to counter the twin pressures from western settlers and Federalist politicians – both of whom wanted action regarding New Orleans. “Jefferson stalled for time, overtly ignoring Federalist demands for war even as he secretly reinforced American outposts on the frontier.”113 Diplomatic historian Thomas A. Bailey wrote that Jefferson “openly consorted with the British charge in Washington, as if to announce that French policy was throwing America into the arms of France’s enemy. In addition, he cleverly used the outbursts of the Westerners to play upon the fears of the French and Spanish diplomatic representatives in the United States. His methods soon brought results.”114
Federalist essays summary - Muckraker essays
Monroe’s role may have been more domestically than diplomatically important. His appointment quieted agitation in the West and gave the Administration time to negotiate with France. At the end of May, Monroe wrote to his state’s two senators: “The only difference between the acquisition we have made, and that which we were instructed to make in that respect, is, that a favorable occasion presenting itself which indeed was not anticipated by the administration, in the measures which led to that event and laid the foundation for it, we have gone further than we were instructed to do. But the extent of that acquisition does not destroy the motive which existed before of acquiring the Floridas, nor essentially diminish it. In our instructions the idea entertained by the President of the value of that country is defined. It is to be presumed that under existing circumstances it may be had at a cheaper rate, since its importance to Spain is much diminished. And altho' the sum to be paid for Louisiana is considerable, yet the period at which that portion which is applicable to the Government of France is to be paid, is so remote, and such delays are incident to that which will be received by our citizens, that it is to be presumed the payment of what it would he proper to stipulate for the Floridas, would subject our treasury to no embarrassment. I am the more confident in this opinion, from the belief that it would be easy to raise on the land alone, retaining to our government the jurisdiction, a sum which would be sufficient to discharge the greater part of what it is probable Spain would ask for it. The bias of my mind therefore is to pursue this object by repairing immediately to Madrid and endeavoring to obtain by treaty the territory in question thereby extirpating the last remaining source of controversy or indeed jealousy with these powers. If I proceed it will be in a week from this time, within which term every arrangement incident to the treaty and convention we have formed with this republick will probably be compleated, and the little provision necessary for my journey to Spain likewise made.”210
Livingston’s notion was probably of a turnkey purchase for the great expanse of the territory that Marbois was speaking of. He and Monroe would have to assume responsibility for whatever decision the United States would make. Events were outrunning the ability of American officials across the ocean to influence. On April 18 shortly after Monroe arrived, Secretary of State Madison sent from Washington a detailed letter to Monroe and Livingston on how they should proceed given a variety of different circumstances and possibilities. His instructions by then were overtaken by events in Paris. Madison wrote Livingston and Monroe: “Should a cession of the Floridas not be attainable, your attention will also be due to the establishment of suitable deposites at the mouths of the rivers, passing from the United States through the Floridas, as well as of the free navigation of those rivers by citizens of the United States. What has been above suggested in relation to the Mississippi, and the deposite on its banks, is applicable to the other rivers; and additional hints relative to them all may be derived from the letter, of which a copy is enclosed from the consul at New Orleans. It has been long manifest, that, whilst the injuries to the United States, so frequently occurring from the colonial officers, scattered over our hemisphere, and in our neighbourhood, can only be repaired by a resort to their respective governments in Europe, that it will be impossible to guard against the most serious inconveniences. The late events at New Orleans strongly manifest the necessity of placing a power somewhere nearer to us, capable of correcting and controlling the mischievous proceedings of such officers towards our citizens, without which a few individuals, not always among the wisest or best of men, may at any time threaten the good understanding of the two nations. The distance between the United States and the old continent, and the mortifying delays of explanations and negotiations across the Atlantic, on emergencies in our neighbourhood, render such a provision indispensable, and it cannot be long before all the governments of Europe, having American colonies, must see the necessity of making it. This object, therefore, will likewise claim your special attention.”
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The issues disputed are outlined and explored in the Federalist Papers, an assortment of letters and essays, often published under pseudonyms, which emerged in a variety of publications after the Constitution was presented to the public.
The South Was Right, the Historians Are Wrong: Taking …
Things were heating up by the time Du Pont got to Paris. Historian Walter A. McDougall noted: “U.S. Minister Rufus King reported from London the British intended Louisiana either to remain in Spanish hands or fall into their own. But Jefferson hoped the mere specter of Anglo-American unity would scare Bonaparte off like some voodoo spell.”135 Historian Thomas Fleming wrote that Du Pont, a former French diplomat, “was a dolorous example of the trouble with using special envoys....Talleyrand was obviously using him to lull the Americans into going along with the main point of French policy, the occupation of Louisiana. Jefferson and Madison believed that Du Pont knew what he was talking about, and in their final instructions to Monroe they reiterated orders to bid for the Floridas.”136 They were operating on the mistaken impression that Spain had ceded to France this originally Spanish territory along with the originally French Louisiana Territory. Based on erroneous information transmitted by Du Pont, Jefferson thought he could purchase New Orleans and West Florida for just $2 million.137
Statesmanship Beyond the Modern State: Perspectives …
To ensure the young nation could continue independently, Congress called for a Federal Convention to convene in Philadelphia to address the deficiencies in the Articles of Confederation....